Taipei’s debt hardball carries a clear warning for its remaining allies
In contemporary discourse, the bogeyman of “debt traps” is almost exclusively tied to Beijing. Western media, think tanks, NGOs and policymakers from Washington to Brussels frequently warn developing nations of the perils of bilateral loans from China. Yet, Grenada’s debt dispute from a decade ago and St Vincent and the Grenadines’ (SVG) current troubles offer a starkly different, and often ignored, counter-narrative: the weaponisation of debt by Taiwan. For years, Grenada has grappled with...
In contemporary discourse, the bogeyman of “debt traps” is almost exclusively tied to Beijing. Western media, think tanks, NGOs and policymakers from Washington to Brussels frequently warn developing nations of the perils of bilateral loans from China. Yet, Grenada’s debt dispute from a decade ago and St Vincent and the Grenadines’ (SVG) current troubles offer a starkly different, and often ignored, counter-narrative: the weaponisation of debt by Taiwan.
For years, Grenada has grappled with profound economic troubles. Following Hurricane Ivan in 2004, which decimated the country, the Grenadian government made a strategic decision to shift diplomatic recognition from Taiwan to China in 2005. Then with a population of slightly more than 100,000, its economy worsened when it was hit by another hurricane in 2005.
Today, Taiwan is recognised by only 12 states, with four of them – Haiti, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia and SVG – in the Caribbean.
Grenada switching diplomatic camps was therefore a big blow to Taiwan. But its decision was born of necessity; the nation required immediate liquidity and infrastructure rebuilding only Beijing was willing to provide. According to official reports, the damage from Ivan was estimated to be more than 200 per cent of gross domestic product. Over 90 per cent of homes were damaged or destroyed, and half of the population was left homeless.
Taiwan’s response was swift and aggressive. As Grenada’s then largest bilateral creditor, Taipei viewed the move as an act of betrayal. Rather than working with other creditors to restructure the debts, Taipei sued Grenada in a New York court to recover the full outstanding amount.
Thus began a spiteful, decade-long legal battle. Taiwan wielded the loan contract’s sovereign immunity waiver like a bludgeon, attempting to seize Grenada’s revenue streams from cruise lines, shipping companies and international arbitration awards.
The lawsuit handicapped Grenada’s ability to stage a recovery. While the courts eventually sided with Grenada, and a settlement was reached a decade later by halving the total debt of about US$22 million, the damage was done.
Grenada has been a harsh lesson for others. As Caribbean nations continue to navigate the treacherous waters of international finance, Taiwan’s debt-trap diplomacy continues today.
For example, SVG’s debt-fuelled alliance with Taipei looks increasingly unsustainable. In September 2022, SVG’s Taiwanese debt stood at US$37 million (EC$99.9 million); by today, that figure has ballooned to roughly US$345 million. The massive US$300 million increase in just four years has led to a debt‑to‑GDP ratio of 113 per cent and rising, leaving the government with little left to fund investment for growth.
Former prime minister Ralph Gonsalves admitted in 2023 that the loan agreements, governed by New York law, include clauses rendering the debt immediately repayable should SVG switch diplomatic recognition. By Gonsalves’ own admission, these terms “put a hook in the gill” of SVG.
After it assumed office in November 2025, the New Democratic Party administration now faces a US$345 million debt portfolio that has become an albatross around the national neck. Prime Minister Godwin Friday admits there is “very little” fiscal space for social programmes.
Hat in hand, he visited Taipei this month, ostensibly to celebrate the 45th anniversary of diplomatic ties. His real purpose was to ease pressure on the national debt. In the event, he received no firm commitment beyond a profession of goodwill by Taipei and a paltry US$2 million grant.
Friday blamed the previous Unity Labour Party government of Gonsalves, in power for 25 years, for the high debt because they were “very laissez‑faire and blasé about it, as if to say that this doesn’t really matter”.
There are simple political and economic reasons why Taiwan’s few remaining diplomatic partners include mostly small island states
But then, Taiwan was willing to lend like a dealer to a junkie.
Taiwan did make Friday declare the SVG government’s commitment to maintain diplomatic relations. Grenada has been a lesson for Caribbean nations; Friday and his citizens know how Taipei would respond should there be any attempt at a diplomatic switch.
His government now faces an almost impossible challenge: stabilising a struggling economy, protecting essential social programmes, and stimulating growth through investment.
Friday said he saw “light at the end of the tunnel”. He may be speaking too soon. There are simple political and economic reasons why Taiwan’s few remaining diplomatic partners include mostly small island states in the Caribbean and Oceania, including Palau, Tuvalu and the Marshall Islands.
They all heavily rely on Western and Taiwanese aid and borrowing. Politically, they are all under the thumb of Washington. They are effectively held captive from recognising China.
